“I will be fresh and courageous” – July 13, 1943
“I will be fresh and courageous” – July 13, 1943
Kurt Huber and Alexander Schmorell: Executed. Wilhelm Geyer, Josef Söhngen, Harald Dohrn, and Manfred Eickemeyer: Expecting a guilty verdict for treason. A day unlike others.
This one-post break from the “Russia” series of posts commemorates the events of July 13, 1943. If scholars or historians write about this date, the focus tends to be on the execution of Prof. Dr. Kurt Huber and Alexander Schmorell. Even those documents superficially address the emotional impact of the executions of two men whose distaste for one another had evaporated within the confines of Stadelheim prison.
But the third White Rose trial, that trial that was to have taken place on April 20 until the prosecutor and judge realized they had lost the evidence, that third White Rose trial broadens our horizon. We can better understand the critical role that Wilhelm Geyer, Harald Dohrn, Josef Söhngen, and Manfred Eickemeyer played in the White Rose circle. Once you “see” the events of July 13, 1943, you’ll likely never again be satisfied with the legend.
Wilhelm Geyer prepared himself – and his optimistic wife Clara – for the upcoming trial. Josef and Erika Rieck, bookstore owners near Ulm who fed his soul with banned books, would accompany Clara to Munich. Clara’s letter to her husband at the beginning of July expressed her indomitable spirit. She simply knew her husband would be acquitted!
On July 7, therefore, as Wilhelm Geyer gathered his wits about him, he addressed Clara’s most recent missive.
I must curb your enthusiasm slightly. If I am acquitted, and I cannot bring myself to think about any outcome other than that, I will still have to spend one more night in Neudeck [Prison]. The next morning, I will have to go to the Gestapo to sign a statement.
In the most favorable scenario, I will be a free man by Wednesday at noon. But it can take days or weeks with the Gestapo. I hope not, there is no cause for that. In any case, please come to the trial. After the trial, you will be able to speak to me in the courthouse.
In the afternoon, you can pick up my dirty laundry at Neudeck. Just in case I have to stay with the Gestapo, bring something to eat and to smoke. Even if I am acquitted, you will have to spend the night [in Munich] either way, if you want to go home with me.
But be careful with all that cake baking. You have to be ready for anything. We cannot put all our hope in this one thing, for should the verdict come out differently, the disappointment would be too great. Come what may, there will be a reason for it.
I am concentrating now on the trial. When you see me in the courtroom, I will be fresh and courageous. The days are passing quickly. By the time you receive this letter, it will almost be here. Looking forward to a healthy and permanent reunion, greetings and kisses, your Wilhelm.
He reminded his mother that he was expecting some good home cooking if he was acquitted in six days. He was happy they had been given “little kohlrabis” to eat twice, but he wanted real food. “I think I will be able to forget my time in prison just like I was able to forget my time as a soldier,” he said. “I am looking forward to painting again.”
But his children? There were no dark thoughts in the portion of the letter directed to them, none of that talk of ‘other outcomes.’ In his mind, he was already hugging and kissing them and dandling them on his knee.
Dear children,
Next Tuesday, think hard about your Papa, so he will be home on Wednesday. Then we’ll try to do something during holidays. I thought about Peter’s name day, but I forgot to mention it in my last letter. We will make up for that party. I also missed [his] birthday, even though I kept feeling like something had to be happening on June 8.
I have kept your letters and the card from Elisabeth. All of it made me happy. I have Hermann’s tiger lilies hanging on the wall. They were observed quite well and reproduced very nicely.
I hope Peter passes his exam. Elisabeth will have to make up for everything she has missed out on now. She should always stay a sweet, hardworking girl. Mama wrote me such nice things about little Martin. I can hardly wait to hold him in my arms. We will have a funny talk when Papa gets to bathe him. I hope he won’t be afraid of me. So on Tuesday, think hard about your Papa. Auf Wiedersehen till Wednesday, your Father.
That same week, Josef Söhngen was the beneficiary of an unexpected pre-trial clemency petition. His friend Captain Manfred Georg Schwarz happened to be in Munich and heard about Söhngen’s trial date.
“Mr. Söhngen is not only a strict National Socialist, but he is also a fiery patriot whose entire desires and strivings are only for the good of the Fatherland, and in particular for German youth,” Schwarz said. No way this man had been involved in treasonous activities.
Good thing Schwarz only knew the customer-facing side of Josef Söhngen!
Although neither the Gestapo nor the prosecutor seemed to have picked up on the coincidence of the trial date being the same as the execution date for Alex and Prof. Huber, they did postpone Willi Graf’s execution. The Gestapo handled both the executions and the postponement as if it were nothing more than an order of paper clips.
Kummer told the People’s Court that “State Police Headquarters in Munich advised me upon inquiry that the condemned Graf was still required for additional confrontations (sic), so that he is required for a while yet. I therefore have postponed the execution of Graf’s [sentence] until further notice.” He added that the Gestapo had no reservations about release of the corpses of the executed men to their immediate families.
The next day, the Gestapo sent the medals and awards that Willi Graf, Kurt Huber, and Eugen Grimminger had earned back to the People’s Court. These items had been confiscated for use as evidence in the April 19 trial. No explanation why the Gestapo now had them, but they no longer needed the items. Agent Mahler said they could not find Willi Graf’s Distinguished Service Medal With Swords, so it was not in the package.
On Monday July 12, Kurt Huber readied himself for the death that was less than twenty-four hours away. He composed a short poem, one that Wolf Jaeger treasured for the rest of his life.
When I ask myself: What have I left behind? / Rough drafts, sketches only – papery masses, / hardly a clean copy. The clean copy of my life / is only my death. And it was not in vain.
It almost seemed ridiculous that people still cared about typewriters and things while Professor Huber and Schurik faced Reichhart’s guillotine and four other men awaited trial, fearing (or at least expecting) death.
Yet they did. The Glöckler family in Ulm retrieved their “Triumph” brand typewriter from the Gestapo that same Monday July 12. And Gisela Schertling once more found herself in a Gestapo jail in Munich. She had been summoned to bear witness against Wilhelm Geyer, Josef Söhngen, Harald Dohrn, and Manfred Eickemeyer. The Gestapo had lost all evidence against the defendants – cigarette coupons, studio keys. Apparently they had even misplaced their interrogation transcripts. Gisela Schertling was the prosecutor’s only hope of convicting the four men.
On July 13, 1943, Clara Geyer took the earliest train out of Ulm – together with both Josef and Erika Rieck, of course. By 9 am, they sat in the courtroom. This was the first time she had heard that Judge Freisler was not involved, that the trial would take place in a Special Court with Judge Michael Schwingenschlögl presiding. Someone whispered that this judge was “human.” She could only hope.
Whoever passed along that “secret” was badly mistaken. In December 1941, a Polish youth named Boleslaw Buczkowski had been arrested for defending himself when attacked by the farmer he worked for. The farmer had accused the youth of stealing an apple and had hit him. Buczkowski retaliated and gave the farmer a cut over his eye. The Polish youth – who had just turned seventeen – fled into the forest and foolishly admitted to someone that he wished he could set the man’s farm on fire.
Four months later, a judge sentenced Buczkowski to eighteen months in prison. During sentencing, the judge justified the stiff judgment by stating, “With the Poles, only a harsher sentence seemed to achieve the usual goals of punishment meted out.”
The District Attorney’s office in Munich was upset by what they perceived to be too mild a sentence. They appealed to Judge Schwingenschlögl, who re-opened the case in August 1942. In the new trial, the youth was given a death sentence. Schwingenschlögl decreed that the Pole’s execution be announced throughout the greater Munich area by means of 410 placards. His family was prohibited from claiming his remains, and his farewell letters were destroyed.
If Clara Geyer had known that about Judge Schwingenschlögl, she would not have been as happy that Judge Freisler was not sitting on the bench. As it was, she believed they had been “very fortunate indeed.” And – she noticed that she and Erika were the only women in the courtroom.
Judge Schwingenschlögl was assisted by District Court Counsel Boller and Dr. Eder. Dr. Hohmann acted as prosecutor, and there was no court clerk. Dr. Reisert, a good friend of the Geyer family, had gained permission to represent all four defendants. The judge read the indictment into the court record. The defendants were accused of credible knowledge of a treasonous activity and failure to report same. The prosecutor did not try to make a case for aiding and abetting etc., as had been the case with the first two White Rose trials.
The judge questioned each defendant individually. First Söhngen, then Eickemeyer, followed by Geyer, with Dohrn last. Clara stated that her husband “gave the best answers out of all of the defendants.”
Schwingenschlögl grilled Geyer about his religious beliefs. Why are you a fanatical Catholic, he wanted to know. Geyer responded that he was not a fanatical Catholic. “A fanatical Catholic is never a good Catholic.” – “Why then do you go to church every Sunday?” said the judge. – “Because I must set a good example for my children,” replied Geyer.
The prosecution then called in Gisela Schertling, specifically to testify against Wilhelm Geyer and Josef Söhngen. “We all held our breath,” said Clara, “because everything hung on her statement.”
To their shock and voiceless ecstasy, Gisela recanted everything she had said in her Gestapo interrogations. She spoke in favor of Wilhelm Geyer and bore witness on his behalf.
The prosecutor was caught completely off guard by this development. He tried to undo the harm her testimony was wreaking on his case by introducing facts not in evidence. The judge would have none of it. If it was not already in the files, Schwingenschlögl told Dr. Hohmann he could not mention it now.
Addressing Gisela directly, the judge inquired, “Do you have anything to say regarding the Gestapo reports?” When Gisela said she did not, the judge started to dismiss her. “Then I have no further questions for you.”
Söhngen saw his opportunity and took it. He jumped up and said, “But I have some questions.” He would never forget the expression on Gisela’s face when she turned to look at him. “It was immediately clear that I had won,” he said.
The judge permitted the defendant Söhngen to cross-examine Gisela Schertling. She recanted every last bit of her statements made in Gestapo custody. Without hard copy of those transcripts, Dr. Hohmann was hard pressed to prove that she had said what Agent Beer claimed she had said. The February 16 meeting between Hans Scholl and Josef Söhngen? It never happened.
It is easy to see why Clara Geyer thought they had gotten a good judge. Söhngen remembered that while he was questioning Gisela, Schwingenschlögl would occasionally interrupt. “I think you mean to ask if…,” he would say, presenting Söhngen’s query in a more favorable legal light.
When Söhngen finished with Gisela, Dr. Hohmann called in the artist Karl Rieber to testify against Geyer. He had been present for Theodor Haecker’s reading, they reminded him. He should tell the judge about that treasonous lecture.
Clara Geyer laughed every time she thought about the sight of Karl Rieber in that Nazi courtroom. It was a beautiful, sunshiny day, yet he stood in court holding an umbrella under his arm. He could barely hear a single question the prosecutor posed. “How do you stand with regards to the Party?” Hohmann would ask. Party, party? And Rieber would cup his hands to his ears, straining to make out the words. “How do you stand with regards to the Party?” Hohmann would repeat. Finally Rieber grasped the question. “Loyal,” he said, following a tense pause.
Clara dug her fingernails into Josef Rieck’s arm to keep from laughing out loud in relief. She could not help but notice that even the judge fought back his own guffaws. “The pleased looks were contagious, starting behind the bench.”
Judge Schwingenschlögl read Clara Geyer’s letters to her husband into the court record. Her words sounded strange out there in public, unusually calm and trusting. This was not at all what she had expected. Things were going too smoothly. Well, hopefully not too smoothly.
Emboldened by the turn of events, Dr. Reisert petitioned the court for acquittal for all four men. They had surely done nothing to merit punishment. Their deeds were a far cry from anything deserving of the death penalty.
Around 4:30 pm – seven-and-one-half hours after the proceedings had gotten underway – Judge Schwingenschlögl called for a recess. Clara’s optimism and that of the four defendants rapidly dissipated with the words, “The verdict was to be handed down from Berlin by telephone.” So much for a “human” judge and hopes for a mild verdict.
However, the judge decreed that the prisoners were to be allowed to eat the food their families had provided and indicated that they were to be taken to an adjoining room. “They were starving,” Clara recalled. Naturally, she had brought plenty to go around.
While they anxiously waited, hoping for an acquittal but ready for anything, the executions of Alexander Schmorell and Kurt Huber were just beginning. Alex went first. But not before spending a few moments with Dr. Deisinger, the attorney who was awed by the young man whose life he had been unable to spare.
“You may be surprised to find me so at peace at this hour,” Alex told Deisinger. “But I can tell you that even were they to tell me that another – say this prison guard here who has been assigned to guard me – if even he were to say that he would die in my stead, I would nevertheless choose to die. I don’t know what else there could be for me to do on this earth were I to be released at this moment.”
Alex made Deisinger promise that when the war ended, if the Allies tried to prosecute Marie Luise for denouncing him, Deisinger must take her case. No harm should come to her. His attorney should make that clear to everyone.
Deisinger joined the others who had gathered to “witness” Alex’s execution on behalf of the State. Even the executioner was shocked when three SS officers appeared around 4:45 pm, bearing special permission to watch the prisoner die.
“I will never forget the conversation among these SS Officers and the magistrates,” said Deisinger. “They discussed when death occurred at a beheading and whether it were possible to make it happen slower or faster if they so desired. It was also noteworthy that the execution was delayed for a while because the three SS Officers and the executioner thought it necessary to discuss the age, set-up, and methodology of the guillotine.”
“These were terrible minutes for me,” he continued, “as well as for those sitting on death row. On the one hand, the idealism and moral greatness of a young person who was ready to die for that idealism in just a few minutes; and on the other hand, the ribald lust of subhumanity hungry for a glimpse of the death of a defenseless sacrifice.”
The execution took place despite these morbid contemplations: Forty-six seconds after Alex left his cell, eight seconds from the time he was handed over to the executioner named Reichhart. “There are no incidents or other events of any significance to report,” Mr. Tiefenbacher would report to Berlin two days later.
Alex’s clear and loud “Yes” – when asked if he were the prisoner Alexander Schmorell – remained inside Dr. Deisinger’s head for a very long while. That room was so oppressive. His young client, so terribly free. “I left that room shaken to the very core of my being,” said Dr. Deisinger.
When I entered the prison hallway, I passed Professor Huber’s cell. He was the next sacrifice who was to be presented to that Moloch Hitler. And he was also being led from his cell, as he called out a final farewell to the prison chaplain, an ‘I’ll see you in a better world.’
Mr. Tiefenbacher may have reported that nothing of significance happened, but the Catholic prison chaplain told a different story. When the executioner’s assistant asked Huber if he were the prisoner Kurt Huber, he said yes, and “Shame on you!” Deisinger recalled what happened next.
The chaplain stood at a window in the hallway from which you could see over to the execution room. Shortly thereafter, a hollow thud. We knew that Professor Huber had also sacrificed his life for freedom. The chaplain made the sign of the cross in the direction of that room of death. We silently shook hands and I left that terrible house of horror, left to tell the parents of Alexander Schmorell about the death of their son.
The news caught Hugo Schmorell and his wife completely off guard. No one had told them – or Klara Huber – about the July 13 date. In fact, Klara still waited for a response to her request for a visitor’s pass, received in Berlin only three days earlier.
At 5:20 pm, the Executive District Attorney sent a telegram to Berlin. “With regard to 6I (sic) 24/43G, matter taken care of today without incident.”
About thirty minutes later, close to 6 pm, “Eickemeyer et al” were re-called to the courtroom. Clara said that Eickemeyer was still chewing his food. The judge did not make them wait long. Manfred Eickemeyer, Wilhelm Geyer, and Harald Dohrn were acquitted. There simply was no credible evidence to show that they knew anything about Hans Scholl’s activities.
Josef Söhngen received six months in prison for failure to report the leaflets he had received – a crime that had gotten even “the girls” a full year in prison, and seven years in the penitentiary for Helmut Bauer and Heinrich Bollinger. Judge Schwingenschlögl ruled that Söhngen’s guilt could be mitigated because his failure to report had been due to negligence, not a conscious decision to hide evidence from the authorities.
Schwingenschlögl found it completely believable that “even Wilhelm Geyer” had not been initiated into Hans Scholl’s intrigues. The judge had developed a curious thesis, allegedly based on Gisela Schertling’s testimony that day in court:
All of the accused have been brought to trial because of their relationship to the traitor Scholl. According to their descriptions, Scholl was a person of above-average abilities, who was interested in all realms of intellectual life. Though he was only twenty-four years old, he was easily able to strike up an acquaintance with all kinds of people. He had a large circle of friends, which included older people as well. Scholl, however, appears to have been more reserved when it came to his treasonous activities. The circle of participants and confidants who have been arrested is relatively small.
The witness Schertling – though she was his lover – was not initiated into his treasonous activity at all. She stumbled onto it shortly before his arrest when she came across a large inventory of leaflets while visiting him in his room.
Except for Professor Huber, to whom Scholl was close, Scholl and Schmorell recruited and initiated only young people. This is possibly because they had hopes of greater activity from young people, or because they were afraid that older people would wrestle leadership away from them. It therefore cannot be assumed that Scholl initiated every acquaintance into his activities.
When court was adjourned, the party began in earnest. Fortunately, Wilhelm Geyer had warned his wife that they would have to spend one more night in prison. She therefore was not worried when they led him and his three friends away. Clara Geyer did not think it was possible to be this happy.
Nor were Clara and the Riecks the only ones celebrating that night. “Fellow prisoners romped,” her husband said later.
It was unbelievable, simply unbelievable. Four men on death row, and three had been acquitted! Dr. Reisert, who one year later was sentenced to five years in prison for his role in the July 20, 1944 assassination attempt, told Wilhelm Geyer after the war, “You all obviously had a better attorney than I did.”
Their outrageously high spirits were dampened, however, when someone said: Did you hear? Professor Huber and another fellow were executed today. While you were in court.
Wilhelm Geyer harbored no illusions about the outcome of the day’s trial. If he had not gotten the key and cigarette ration coupons back… If Gisela Schertling had not recanted her testimony… If the files had not gotten so screwed up… If Freisler had presided… All these “If’s,” and things could have ended differently for him as well.
For now, he could not figure out why things had gone so agreeably. He could not lose sleep over the reasons fate had dealt him one hand and Professor Huber another. The only thing he knew, the only thing that mattered? Tomorrow he would hold his babies for the first time in one-hundred-and-one days.
Nearby in the Schmorell home, the atmosphere was less jubilant. Mr. Hemmel, from the Office of Interment with the Mayor’s Office in Munich, wrote Dr. Hugo Schmorell on July 13, 1943. The announcement could not have been any more direct.
The Schmorell verdict has been executed. Funeral to take place on July 14, 1943 at 6:15 p.m. at the Perlacher Forest Cemetery. Costs are approximately RM 100 [$800]. It is absolutely necessary to first appear at the Office of Interment.
It is likely that Dr. Schmorell did not receive this letter until after the burial had taken place, since he later said that the Gestapo had not permitted him to bury his son. It wouldn’t have mattered whether he could attend or not. Either way, he owed the Office of Interment 100 Marks.
This Substack post is a summary-excerpt of Chapter 63 of White Rose History, Volume II — Journey to Freedom. Clara Geyer’s narrative regarding the third White Rose trial comes from four weekly interviews with her and her then-50+-year-old children in their home in Ulm.
Over coffee and cake, she told us about those days, what it meant for Wilhelm to have been banned early on, losing his income as renowned artist. Raising children to think for themselves and not following the Brown Horde. Their association with the Scholl family, good and bad. Wilhelm’s time in Munich in 1943. His arrest and imprisonment. The trial. The trial. The trial.
I grew to greatly respect the Geyers’ consistency. As we later pieced together Scholl narratives that involved the Geyers, together with the Geyer family’s stories, and the letters Wilhelm Geyer wrote from prison, a clearer picture emerged of White Rose work in 1943, the arrests, and the July 13 trial. Clara Geyer gave us a print version of the prison letters, published by a Catholic diocese in Schwaben - and she also permitted us to compare those letters against the originals in their family’s possession.
Additional resources:
Third White Rose Trial: July 13, 1943 — Report (indictment) and trial transcript, along with interrogation transcripts of Josef Söhngen.
Gestapo Interrogation Transcripts: Eickemeyer and Grimminger, Part 1 — Primarily Manfred Eickemeyer.
Additional primary source materials are scheduled for Exclamation! Publisher’s list in 2023-2024.
Since this post is excerpted from White Rose History, Volume II: © 2002, 2023. Please contact us for permission to quote.